{"id":16273,"date":"2025-06-09T09:12:00","date_gmt":"2025-06-09T07:12:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/institutrobertbadinter.fr\/fr\/?post_type=publications&p=16273"},"modified":"2025-11-27T11:55:44","modified_gmt":"2025-11-27T10:55:44","slug":"le-controle-de-la-recherche-demploi-normes-agents-contentieux-2008-2024","status":"publish","type":"publications","link":"https:\/\/institutrobertbadinter.fr\/fr\/publications\/le-controle-de-la-recherche-demploi-normes-agents-contentieux-2008-2024\/","title":{"rendered":"Le contr\u00f4le de la recherche d\u2019emploi : normes, agents, contentieux (2008-2024)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Le contr\u00f4le de la recherche d\u2019emploi est devenu depuis une dizaine d\u2019ann\u00e9es une composante importante de la lutte contre le ch\u00f4mage, une \u00e9volution qui s\u2019acc\u00e9l\u00e8re en raison des orientations donn\u00e9es lors du passage de P\u00f4le emploi \u00e0 France Travail. Bien que la proc\u00e9dure de contr\u00f4le ait des cons\u00e9quences cruciales pour des centaines de milliers de demandeur\u00b7ses d\u2019emploi, elle demeure \u00e0 ce jour tr\u00e8s peu \u00e9tudi\u00e9e. Partant de ce constat, cette recherche prend pour objet le contr\u00f4le de la recherche d\u2019emploi dans ses diff\u00e9rentes dimensions politiques, administratives, r\u00e8glementaires et judiciaires, \u00e0 l\u2019appui d\u2019une m\u00e9thodologie pluridisciplinaire combinant sociologie, science politique et droit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trois principaux r\u00e9sultats \u00e9mergent de ce travail.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Premi\u00e8rement, le Code du travail m\u00e9nageant des marges d\u2019interpr\u00e9tation importantes de la notion de \u00ab recherche active d\u2019emploi \u00bb, le contr\u00f4le des ch\u00f4meur\u00b7ses constitue le lieu principal de construction du sens normatif de l\u2019obligation de recherche d\u2019emploi. Les r\u00e8gles applicables d\u00e9coulent de dispositifs organisationnels, d\u2019outils de gestion impl\u00e9ment\u00e9s dans le syst\u00e8me informatique, plut\u00f4t que d\u2019une mise en \u0153uvre affich\u00e9e du pouvoir r\u00e8glementaire de P\u00f4le emploi. Cette organisation du contr\u00f4le trie les publics et oriente les pratiques. Elle fa\u00e7onne les repr\u00e9sentations du \u00ab bon ch\u00f4meur \u00bb, tant au sein de l\u2019op\u00e9rateur public que vis-\u00e0-vis de ses interlocuteurs ext\u00e9rieurs, des personnels en charge de l\u2019accompagnement des ch\u00f4meur\u00b7ses jusqu\u2019aux juridictions administratives, en passant par les cabinets minist\u00e9riels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Deuxi\u00e8mement, nous avons d\u00e9voil\u00e9 la fa\u00e7on dont s\u2019op\u00e8re concr\u00e8tement le contr\u00f4le, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire la fa\u00e7on dont sont op\u00e9rationnalis\u00e9es et mobilis\u00e9es au quotidien les r\u00e8gles fix\u00e9es par la loi et l\u2019institution. Les plateformes de contr\u00f4le de P\u00f4le emploi sont travers\u00e9es par une tension entre une rationalisation croissante du processus d\u2019instruction (augmentation de la cadence, ciblage sur les m\u00e9tiers dits \u00ab en tension \u00bb, formalisation des outils de gestion, etc.) et le maintien de variations importantes dans les pratiques et les jugements des agent\u00b7es en charge du contr\u00f4le. Le management de proximit\u00e9 s\u2019efforce d\u2019homog\u00e9n\u00e9iser l\u2019activit\u00e9 afin d\u2019obtenir des r\u00e9sultats conformes aux objectifs chiffr\u00e9s annuels de plus en plus \u00e9lev\u00e9s fix\u00e9s par le gouvernement et la direction g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de France Travail.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Enfin, nous avons montr\u00e9 que le parcours contentieux des usager\u00b7\u00e8res est marqu\u00e9 du sceau de la mise \u00e0 distance et de la sp\u00e9cialisation. De la r\u00e9clamation contre la sanction \u00e0 la d\u00e9cision juridictionnelle, en passant par la m\u00e9diation pr\u00e9alable obligatoire, les proc\u00e9dures rel\u00e8vent pour l\u2019essentiel d\u2019un r\u00e9gime d\u2019exception. Celui-ci est justifi\u00e9 tant\u00f4t par la pr\u00e9servation de justiciables suppos\u00e9s vuln\u00e9rables, tant\u00f4t au nom de la pr\u00e9servation d\u2019un syst\u00e8me judiciaire \u00e0 bout de souffle. En d\u00e9finitive, l\u2019accumulation de ces dispositifs d\u00e9rogatoires au droit commun interroge le mat\u00e9riau sur lequel statue le juge et limite consid\u00e9rablement les remises en cause des op\u00e9rations de contr\u00f4le.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

22.27_CONTROLE_RECHERCHE_EMPLOI_synthese<\/a>T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/div>\n\n\n\n
22.27_CONTROLE_RECHERCHE_EMPLOI_rapport<\/a>T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/div>\n\n\n\n
English version below \/ R\u00e9sum\u00e9 en anglais

The monitoring of job search activities has become an important part of public policies against unemployment over the past decade. This trend has accelerated due to the guidelines issued during the transition from P\u00f4le emploi to France Travail. Although the monitoring procedure has crucial implications for hundreds of thousands of jobseekers, it remains under-researched to date. Considering this observation, this research focuses on the monitoring of job search activities in its various political, administrative, regulatory, and legal dimensions, based a multidisciplinary methodology that combines sociology, political science, and law. Three main results emerge from this work. First, as the French Labour Code leaves considerable room for interpretation of the notion of \u2018actively seeking work\u2019, the monitoring of job search activities is the main place where the normative meaning of the obligation to seek employment is constructed. The applicable rules stem from organizational frameworks and management tools implemented within the IT system, rather than from an overt exercise of regulatory power by P\u00f4le emploi. This organization of monitoring sorts out the public and guides practices. It shapes representations of the \u2018good unemployed person\u2019, both within the public institution and in relation to its partners, from the staff responsible for coaching job seekers to administrative courts, including ministerial cabinets. Second, we have unveiled the concrete mechanisms in which control is actually carried out, i.e. the way in which the rules laid down by the law and the institution are implemented on a day-to-day basis. P\u00f4le emploi’s platforms in charge for monitoring of job search activities are riven by a tension between an increasing rationalisation of the investigation process (increasingly intense work pace, targeting of unemployed people in short-staffed jobs, formalisation of management tools, etc.) and the maintenance of significant variations in the practices and judgements of street-level bureaucrats in charge of the job search control. Middle management strives to standardize activities in order to achieve results in line with the increasingly high annual quantitative objectives set by the government and France Travail’s general management. Finally, we have demonstrated that the litigation process is characterized by distance and specialization. From complaints against sanctions to court rulings, through the mandatory prior mediation, the procedures essentially fall under a system of exceptions. It is sometimes justified by the need to protect supposedly vulnerable litigants, and sometimes in the name of preserving a breathless judicial system. Ultimately, the accumulation of these derogations from ordinary law calls into question the material on which the judge rules and significantly limits the scope for questioning control operations.
<\/summary>\n

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